Question:
Muhammed Fethullah Gulen Hocaefendi (Turkish: [fetul'lah jy'len] - the honorific Hoca Efendi, used among followers, translates to "respected teacher"); born 27 April 1941 is a Turkish preacher, former imam, writer, and political figure. He is the founder of the Gulen movement (known as Hizmet meaning service in Turkish), which is 3 to 6 million strong in Turkey and has an empire of affiliated banks, media, construction companies, and schools, especially those providing primary and secondary education, in Turkey (in which business entities and foundations have been closed down by the Turkish government by the thousands in 2017) and in Africa, Central Asia, the Americas, and Europe. Hizmet's most populous organization is a moderate Islamic advocacy group, Alliance for Shared Values.
Despite Gulen's and his followers' claims that the organization is non-political in nature, analysts believed that a number of corruption-related arrests made against allies of Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan reflect a growing political power struggle between Gulen and Erdogan. These arrests led to the 2013 corruption scandal in Turkey, which the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP)'s supporters (along with Erdogan himself) and the opposition parties alike have said were choreographed by Gulen after Erdogan's government came to the decision early in December 2013 to shut down many of his movement's private pre-university schools in Turkey.  The Erdogan government has said that the corruption investigation and comments by Gulen are the long term political agenda of Gulen's movement to infiltrate security, intelligence, and justice institutions of the Turkish state, a charge almost identical to the charges against Gulen by the Chief Prosecutor of Turkey in his trial in 2000 before Erdogan's party had come into power. Gulen had previously been tried in absentia in 2000, and acquitted of these charges in 2008 under Erdogan's AKP government.  In emailed comments to the Wall Street Journal in January 2014, Gulen said that "Turkish people ... are upset that in the last two years democratic progress is now being reversed", but he denied being part of a plot to unseat the government. Later, in January 2014 in an interview with BBC World, Gulen said "If I were to say anything to people I may say people should vote for those who are respectful to democracy, rule of law, who get on well with people. Telling or encouraging people to vote for a party would be an insult to peoples' intellect. Everybody very clearly sees what is going on."  According to some commentators, Gulen is to Erdogan what Trotsky was to Stalin. Ben Cohen wrote: "Rather like Leon Trotsky, the founder of the Soviet Red Army who was hounded and chased out of the USSR by Joseph Stalin, Gulen has become an all-encompassing explanation for the existential threats, as Erdogan perceives them, that are currently plaguing Turkey. Stalin saw the influence of "Trotskyite counter-revolutionaries" everywhere, and brutally purged every element of the Soviet apparatus. Erdogan is now doing much the same with the "Gulenist terrorists."
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analysts believed that a number of corruption-related arrests made against allies of Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan reflect a growing political power struggle between Gulen and Erdogan.

input: De Klerk had been unhappy that changes had been made to the inauguration ceremony, rendering it multi-religious rather than reflecting the newly elected leader's particular denomination. When he was being sworn in, and the chief justice said "So help me God", de Klerk did not repeat this, instead stating, in Afrikaans: "So help me the triune God, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit".  Mandela reappointed de Klerk's finance minister, Derek Keys, and retained Chris Stals, a former member of the Broederbond, as the head of the Central Bank. De Klerk supported the coalition's economic policies, stating that it "accepted a broad framework of responsible economic policies".  De Klerk's working relationship with Mandela was often strained, with the former finding it difficult adjusting to the fact that he was no longer president. De Klerk also felt that Mandela deliberately humiliated him, while Mandela found de Klerk to be needlessly provocative in cabinet. One dispute occurred in September 1995, after Mandela gave a Johannesburg speech criticising the National Party. Angered, de Klerk avoided Mandela until the latter requested they meet; when they ran into each other, they publicly argued in the street. Mandela later expressed regret for their disagreement but did not apologise for his original comments. De Klerk was also having problems from within his own party, some of whose members claimed that he was neglecting the party while in the government.  Many in the National Party--including many members of its executive committee--were unhappy with the other parties agreed upon a new constitution in May 1996. The party had wanted the constitution to guarantee that it would be represented in the government until 2004, although it did not do this. On 9 May, de Klerk announced that the National Party would withdraw from the coalition government. The decision shocked several of his six fellow Afrikaner cabinet colleagues; Pik Botha, for example, was left without a job as a result. Roelf Meyer reported feeling betrayed by de Klerk's act, while Leon Wessels thought that de Klerk had not tried hard enough to make the coalition work. De Klerk announced that he would lead the National Party in vigorous opposition to Mandela's government, stating that he wanted to ensure "a proper multi-party democracy, without which there may be a danger of South Africa lapsing into the African pattern of one-party states".

Answer this question "What was his relationship with Mandela like?"
output: De Klerk's working relationship with Mandela was often strained,

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Asa Gray (November 18, 1810 - January 30, 1888) is considered the most important American botanist of the 19th century. His Darwiniana was considered an important explanation of how religion and science were not necessarily mutually exclusive. Gray was adamant that a genetic connection must exist between all members of a species. He was also strongly opposed to the ideas of hybridization within one generation and special creation in the sense of its not allowing for evolution, as he felt evolution was guided by a Creator.
Despite no longer having the burden of his professorial and garden duties, by the late 1870s the burden of maintaining himself as the pillar of American botany prevented Gray from the progress he desired on Synoptical Flora of North America, the follow-on to Flora of North America. This burden consisted of the fact that other scientists often only accepted Gray's word on a botanical matter, and the number of incoming specimens to identify was increasing vastly: numbers had to be assigned to them, collectors needed to be corresponded with, and preliminary papers had to be published. By the early 1880s, Gray's home was the center of everything to do with botany in America. Every aspiring botanist came to see him, even if just to look at him through his window.  After turning over his non-research duties to Sargent, Goodale, Farlow, and Watson, Gray concentrated more on research and writing, especially on plant taxonomy, as well as lecturing around the country, largely promoting Darwinian ideas. Many of his lectures during this time were given at the Yale Divinity School. Liberty Hyde Bailey worked as Gray's herbarium assistant for two years during 1883-1884.  In spring 1887 Gray and his wife made their last trip to Europe, this one for six months from April-October, primarily to see Hooker.  Gray received the following advanced degrees: honorary degree of Master of Arts (1844) and Doctor of Laws (1875) from Harvard, and Doctor of Laws from Hamilton College (New York) (1860), McGill University (1884), and the University of Michigan (1887).

How many lectures did he do?
McGill University (1884), and the University of Michigan (1887).