Some context: The North American fur trade was the industry and activities related to the acquisition, trade, exchange, and sale of animal furs in North America. Aboriginal peoples in Canada and Native Americans in the United States of different regions traded among themselves in the Pre-Columbian Era, but Europeans participated in the trade beginning from the time of their arrival in the New World and extended its reach to Europe. The French started trading in the 16th century, the English established trading posts on Hudson Bay in present-day Canada in the 17th century, and the Dutch had trade by the same time in New Netherland. The 19th-century North American fur trade, when the industry was at its peak of economic importance, involved the development of elaborate trade networks.
Native American--specifically the Creek's--beliefs revolved around respecting the environment. The Creek believed they had a unique relationship with the animals they hunted. The Creek had several rules surround how a hunt could occur, particularly prohibiting needless killing of deer. There were specific taboos against taking the skins of unhealthy deer. However, the lucrative deerskin trade prompted hunters to act past the point of restraint they had operated under before. The hunting economy collapsed due to the scarcity of deer as they were over-hunted and lost their lands to white settlers. Due to the decline of deer populations, and the governmental pressure to switch to the colonists' way of life, animal husbandry replaced deer hunting both as an income and in the diet.  Rum was first introduced in the early 1700s as a trading item, and quickly became an inelastic good. While Native Americans were for the most part acted conservatively in trading deals, they consumed a surplus of alcohol. Traders used rum to help form partnerships. Rum had a significant effect on the social behavior of Native Americans. Under the influence of rum, the younger generation did not obey the elders of the tribe, and became involved with more skirmishes with other tribes and white settlers. Rum also disrupted the amount of time the younger generation of males spent on labor. Alcohol was one of the goods provided on credit, and led to a debt trap for many Native Americans. Native Americans did not know how to distill alcohol, and thus were driven to trade for it.  Native Americans had become dependent on manufactured goods such as guns and domesticated animals, and lost much of their traditional practices. With the new cattle herds roaming the hunting lands, and a greater emphasis on farming due to the invention of the Cotton Gin, Native Americans struggled to maintain their place in the economy. An inequality gap had appeared in the tribes, as some hunters were more successful than others. Still, the creditors treated and individual's debt as debt of the whole tribe, and used several strategies to keep the Native Americans in debt. Traders would rig the weighing system that determined the value of the deerskins in their favor, cut measurement tools to devalue the deerskin, and would tamper with the manufactured goods to decrease their worth, such as watering down the alcohol they traded. To satisfy the need for deerskins, many males of the tribes abandoned their traditional seasonal roles and became full-time traders. When the deerskin trade collapsed, Native Americans found themselves dependent on manufactured goods, and could not return to the old ways due to lost knowledge.
Did anything happen to the Creek because of the deerskin trade?
A: The hunting economy collapsed due to the scarcity of deer as they were over-hunted and lost their lands to white settlers.
Some context: Jusuf Kalla was born on 15 May 1942 in Watampone, the capital of the Bone Regency in South Sulawesi. His parents were Hadji Kalla, a local businessman and Athirah, a woman who sold Buginese silk for a living. He was the second of 10 children. After completing school, Kalla attended Hasanuddin University in Makassar.
Now a popular figure for assisting with the peace process in Sulawesi, Kalla considered putting himself forward as a candidate in the 2004 presidential elections. In August 2003 he announced his candidacy and enlisted as a participant in Golkar's 2004 Convention which would choose the Golkar candidate for president. As the months went by, however, Kalla came to be seen more as a vice presidential candidate. He was expected to partner a Javanese presidential candidate and his non-Javanese background was seen as a means of attracting non-Javanese votes which a Javanese candidate might have trouble getting.  Just days before the Golkar national convention, Kalla decided to withdraw from running under the Golkar banner. Rather, he accepted the offer from the Democratic Party's (PD) Yudhoyono to become his running mate. The pair also received the support of the Crescent Star Party (PBB), the Indonesian Justice and Unity Party (PKPI), and Reform Star Party (PBR).  On 5 July 2004 the presidential election was held. Yudhoyono and Kalla won the popular vote with 33% of the votes but 50% of votes is required for election as president and vice president so a run-off was required. Yudhoyono and Megawati proceeded to the second election round held later in the year.  In the second ground Yudhoyono faced a considerable challenge from Megawati who formed a national coalition consisting of her own Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P) along with Golkar, the United Development Party, the Prosperous Peace Party (PDS), and the Indonesian National Party (PNI). Whilst Yudhoyono consolidated political support from other parties, Kalla turned to Golkar for support. Led by Fahmi Idris and ignoring the party line, pro-Kalla elements in Golkar declared their support for Kalla and Yudhoyono. On 20 September 2004 Yudhoyono and Kalla won the run-off with 60.1% of the vote.
What did he want to accomplish as vice president?
A: